Cover

Table of Contents

Editorial

- STATE TERRORISM AGAINST DESAPARECIDOS

Cover Story

- AN APPEAL
FOR HUMANITY

Country SituationERS

 INDONESIA
- THE ART OF ADDRESSING BOCOR (LEAKS)

 PHILIPPINES
- POLICE AND THIEVES

SRI LANKA
- TIGER MARKS


FEATURES

- SLEEPLESS IN
NEW YORK


- IN SEARCH FOR MILITANT LAWYERS

Photo Essay
BEYOND
"TEARS FOR FEARS"


lobby work
- finding a needle in a haystack

reflection
- intensive advocacy work

statement
- team spirit
 
news briefs
- foundation stone for Kashmir ...

book review
holding the center

synopsis
between memory and impunity

LOBBY WORK


Finding a Needle in a Haystack
The Work for Truth, Justice and Redress 

By: Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso

 

The search for justice for the disappeared may be liked to looking for a needle in a haystack. A high degree of patience, perseverance and courage are some of the basic essentials.

The search for the victim is difficult enough. In most cases, efforts yielded negative results. few are the countries where relatives are fortunate to find their loved ones alive. Morocco is known for cases of involuntary disappearances, where victims are found alive after many years of being kept in secrete detention centers. In El Salvador, the Asociacion Pro-Busqueda de Ninos Y Ninas Desaparecidos has found alive a couple of hundreds of disappeared children - kidnapped during the war for fear that they would take the footsteps of their rebel parents, sold for adoption inside and outside the country and now reunited with their biological parents. Yet, in majority of the countries of the world, the families have never found their missing loved ones.

What makes it more difficult is the fact that the struggle for truth, justice and redress does not end up with the search of the physical body or human remains. The work is multi-faceted. Prior to the actual search, organizations of families of desaparecidos are involved in documenting cases and searching for the victims and in the process, they empower themselves through organizing and education, rehabilitation, projecting the phenomenon of involuntary disappearances to the general public through solidarity, lobby and campaign at home and abroad.

International solidarity work is the essence of the formation of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD). Learning from each other's common as well as particular situations and their corresponding organizational responses, AFAD members are expected to strengthen themselves through, among other things, their international campaign and lobby. A correct combination of these components both in the national and international levels is expected to ensure concrete fruits, modest or grandiose they may be.

With the States' attempt to escape embarrassment before the international community, they will certainly utilize all the powers and resources at their disposal to perpetuate impunity. In this vein, organizations families of the victims should all the more use all avenues in the national and international levels in the course of fortifying themselves.


The Value of International Lobbying

It is true that the main venue of the struggle for justice for the disappeared is the base country. But when local remedies have been exhausted and have proven to be inadequate, history proves that resorting to international avenues yielded desirable results. It must be noted, though, that international lobbying work is not only useful as a last resort. There has to be a combination of efforts using local and international avenues.

With the much-desired ratification of an international treaty criminalizing enforced or involuntary disappearances, the global struggle against involuntary disappearance surely make a dent. This is the rationale of lobbying for the ratification of the United Nations Draft Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.

On national legislation, we take the Philippines as an example. The Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearances (FIND) has been working for almost a decade for the enactment of the bill entitled "An Act Penalizing Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances and for Other Purposes." FIND expects increased chances that this will be enacted into law with the promise of President Gloria Macapagal Arryo, on August 29, 2001, the eve of the International Day of the Disappeared, to expedite its approval.

It has been 20 years since the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relative of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) started working for a United Nations Convention on the protection of All Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. Never did they know that twenty years later, during the 57th session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland, the latter, by an overwhelming majority, decided on April 24, 2001 to create an inter-sessional working group and to appoint an expert to study the draft convention. Thirty-five countries voted in favor of the creation of an inter-sessional working group and four countries (USA, India, Japan and Malaysia) voted against. As to the appointment of an expert, thirty-seven countries were in favor and five (USA, Canada, India, Japan and Malaysia) were against.

A breakthrough in the struggle against involuntary disappearances and against impunity, this decision of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights would not have materialized without the persistent and persevering efforts of FEDEFAM.  AFAD, which was established on June 4, 1998, joined FEDEFAM   in oral interventions before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. It has, to a certain extent, contributed to the modest achievements in the international struggle against impunity. These results will certainly have long-term effects in resolving past cases and preventing their recurrence.

Lobbying to have laws enacted and treaties ratified to serve our cause is not the end-all and the be-all of the struggle. But it is an integral and indispensable part of the work. The exercise of ratifying treaties belongs to  the States, which would certainly do what they could to escape responsibility by watering down their substance. Knowing the urgency of the desired results, this fact could be seen as impediment to the realization of our direction. But it has also to be considered as a challenge. Had it not been for the efforts of NGOs, there could have been no international treaties, which may not totally resolve cases, but will certainly facilitate the work for the eventual illumination of the light in this dark night of the disappeared.


The Need for an International Convention Declaring Involuntary Disappearances
as a Crime Against Humanity

On December 18, 1992, the United Nations General Assembly adopted without a vote the United Nations Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. Welcome by the human rights community as a big step in the fight against impunity, the adoption materialized not without the indefatigable struggle of the grandmothers, parents, brothers, sisters, sons, daughters and other relatives of the disappeared, especially from Latin America, who pioneered this struggle. To quote from Mrs. Martha Vasquez, FEDEFAM president and a member of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo of Argentina, "We started as ordinary mothers, without any knowledge about politics. Never did we know that our struggle would reach 20 years." This commendable perseverance is indeed, instrumental in the international recognition, through a declaration, of what is now considered as a crime against humanity, never permitted even in times of war.

Yet, in international diplomacy, while a declaration carries with it a moral value, it speaks of principles, which are influential, but not necessarily binding. A treaty or convention is imperative in order to enforce obligations vis-a-vis the commission of the despicable crime of enforced or involuntary disappearances. States, bound to protect their citizens, are obliged to abide by its provisions.

In the present stage of international lobbying of human rights organizations, there is an absence of a universally applicable treaty clearly establishing States' obligations regarding prevention, investigation, suppression, international cooperation and guaranteeing the right to redress. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights has none of these guarantees. The Rome Statute for the establishment of the International Criminal court does permit punishment of enforced disappearance, but only when this is committed as apart of a generalized attack against a civilian population or when it involves a crime against humanity.

After a painstaking process of Latin American lawyers, human rights defenders and experts and organizations concerned on the issue of involuntary disappearances, the Inter-American Convention on Involuntary Disappearance of Persons was adopted in 1994 in the city of Belen do Para, Brazil. However, even if many  of its provisions are useful, these have limitations, such as the lack of mechanisms for international protection conceived in its original text of 1988. Furthermore, although open to accession by other States, the Inter-American Convention, being a regional mechanism, could not be applied to other parts of the world.

In the United nations Draft Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, the crime of involuntary disappearance is addressed in a manner so comprehensive that all its various aspects are treated. Other than this existing draft, there is no other international instrument, except this draft Convention, which provides obligations for prevention, investigation, suppression and thus, protection. The inclusion of provisions on international cooperation in Articles 4 and 8 is an added strength to the draft and thus, is one of the many important reasons for pursuing this. Furthermore, while the fact that children born during their mother's captivity, sold for adoption either in their own countries may not be generally distinct problem in Asia, being part of this international phenomenon, this matter is given importance, as provided for in Article 18. Article 24 gives emphasis to the right to reparation, which comprises restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and restoration of the honor and reputation of the victims. Article 13 establishes additional international protection mechanisms in the face of the crime's extreme gravity and of its specificity and provides international habeas corpus.

Furthermore, the Convention has basic legal provisions on the definition of the crime, suppression of the offense, safeguards against impunity, measures for prevention and protection, rights of victims and children.

The importance of the Convention could be seen in its wholeness. The right to truth, particularly typical on this issue, is not guaranteed in any other instrument. The same is true with the right to equality before the law. Equally important is the right to mourning, of which the recovery of the human remains is imperative.

Finally, the draft treaty responds to the international phenomenon of involuntary disappearances as a continuing crime, which is attributed to abuse of power that victimize the poor and thus, eliminating or neutralizing the States' real or alleged political opponents.

With all these points elucidating the value of the present draft, the tedious lobbying work at the United Nations, even if it produces rather slow results, is really worth our time, energy and resources. The fruits may not be savored by today's generation, but by the next ones to come.


UN Member States' Response

The historic decision of the 57th session of the United nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) to create an inter-sessional  group to study the draft Convention happened not without an uphill struggle. the initiative of the draft Convention started in 1981. After which, the declaration was adopted in 1992 followed by the adoption in 1994 of the Inter-American Convention on Involuntary Disappearance of Persons. It has been a couple of decades since the start of the struggle. The  said decision of the UNCHR, therefore, is a breakthrough, indeed.

The most recent lobbying efforts of AFAD during the 57th session of the UNCHR manifested how difficult it is to convince governments to support the draft Convention.

In 1999, the government of Sri Lanka is sued a resolution supporting the Convention. This recognizes the government's responsibility to respond to its huge issue of involuntary disappearances. A couple of years later, officially, the Sri Lankan government has the same position. Supportive of the Convention, it is the friendliest Asian government AFAD ever met. However, in an informal meeting of AFAD (together with FEDEFAM President Martha Vasquez) with the Sri Lankan delegates to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, the former said that the government has the same position and does not have to reiterate it. To the NGO community, a reiteration would have made a difference, since it would positively influence other governments. Furthermore, despite the government's favorable stand, the Sri Lankan delegates in Geneva, though unofficially, questioned the need for a Convention vis-a-vis the existence of other international mechanisms.  Moreover, they insinuated that they are suspicious of possible ulterior motives of groups working on this issue.

The position of the delegates of the Permanent Mission of the Philippines to the United Nations in Geneva, Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Lepatan, is another concrete manifestation of this difficulty. yes, they were personally very friendly to AFAD and FEDEFAM, but they posed an ambivalent stance vis-a-vis the draft Convention. They said that Philippine government believes that there are existing mechanisms, which can answer this problem and that in the domestic level, there is an anti-kidnapping law. Furthermore, they mentioned the annual appropriation, which the government allots for the families of the victims and for the implementation of the program of FIND. Confronted with eloquent arguments in favor of the need for a new treaty, the Philippine delegation said the government neither blocks nor favors the draft Convention.

Many of the Asian governments have no clear position in favor of the draft Treaty. As a matter of fact, Japan, Malaysia and India categorically opposed the creation of an inter-sessional group and the appointment of an expert for this purpose. Why? Many reasons have been said. Not wanting to be accountable for human rights violations they had committed could, of course, not be officially admitted. Knowing the human rights record of a number of Asian governments, we understand why lobbying, for those who do not have what it takes, seems to be an exercise in futility.

A number of Latin American governments, for instance, are generally supportive of the draft Treaty. Such is a commendable sign of their sense of history and willingness, or at least the openness to pay for the atrocities committed by previous regimes and the resolve not to let inhumanity happen again. This support did not come as manna from heaven. It is a result of the perseverance, courage and determination of the families of the disappeared, staunch human rights defenders, lawyers and people from other fields of discipline.


What Lies Ahead of Us?

The Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances, in a meeting with the former Chairperson of the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID) Mr. Ivan Tosevsky, learned that while as a body the Working Group supports the draft Convention, Mr. Tosevsky had a contrary personal view. A former highest official of the UNWGEID is not personally convinced of the need of the draft Convention he is supposed to fight for. This is enough basis for us to conclude that international lobbying, being part of the work for truth, justice and redress, may be likened to looking for a needle in a haystack.

A number of the member-States of the United nations, which violated and continue to violate human rights, shall, without the struggle on the part of the victims and the defenders, never subject themselves to international sanction. History speaks loud and clear of how the most notorious world dictators, like Augusto Pinochet of Chile and Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia were tried - not in the name of revenge, but of truth, justice, redress so that the victims shall never be forgotten and that crimes against humanity shall never be  repeated. Not without the sacrifice of those who dare to win, these victories, which before, were beyond our imagination, would not have seen the light of day.


What lies ahead of us?

The answer largely depends on how decisive the international community could be in turning this seemingly lonely fight to a global struggle - that which has the strength to bring itself to its triumphant end. 



VOICE October 2001

 

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